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Social [ edit ] No. 35 Amnistie populaire of the Musée des Horreurs depicts the hanged corpse of an antisemitic caricature of Alfred Dreyfus. [14] J'Accuse...! provided for the first time a compilation of all existing data on the affair in one place. [139] Zola's goal was to make himself a target, to force the authorities to prosecute him. His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs. Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection. [140] Thanks to the national and international success of Zola's article, a trial became inevitable. From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths. On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated. On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola. But Zola achieved his aim: the opening of a public debate at the Assize Court. In patients with proximal internal carotid (ICA) or middle cerebral artery (MCA) occlusion with likely salvageable ischaemic brain tissue, does thrombectomy, at 6-16 hours post ischaemic stroke, in addition to medical therapy, compared to medical therapy alone, improve functional outcome at 90 days? The reference to not repeating them follows attempts by the French far right to question Dreyfus's innocence. An army colonel was cashiered in 1994 for publishing an article suggesting that Dreyfus was guilty; far-right politician Jean-Marie Le Pen's lawyer responded that Dreyfus's exoneration was "contrary to all known jurisprudence". Éric Zemmour, a far-right political opponent of Macron who had said that France's Second World War collaborationist leader Philippe Pétain, who had assisted deportation of French Jews to Nazi death camps, had actually saved their lives, said repeatedly in 2021 that the truth about Dreyfus was not clear, his innocence was "not obvious". [246]
Though Alfred Dreyfus was eventually exonerated of all charges, the scandal and its aftermath had lasting repercussions in French society. In the 21st century, the Dreyfus affair remains an important part of French history and has been the focus of much public debate. The controversy has been used to frame discussion on issues such as immigration, religious freedom, minority rights, and the French Republic itself. In recent years, the Dreyfus affair has also been used to draw attention to the resurgence of antisemitism in Europe, and to advocate for legislation that would protect minority rights across the continent. In recent years, there has been a significant push to create legislation to protect minority rights throughout Europe, with the Dreyfus affair serving as an important reference point. In France, lawmakers have proposed a number of bills that would extend protections to minority communities, such as prohibiting discrimination based on ethnicity or religion, and providing additional resources for victims of hate crimes. On a broader European level, the European Union has implemented a variety of measures, such as a hate crime reporting system and a program of positive discrimination to ensure that minority communities are not disproportionately affected by social and economic policies. Additionally, the European Commission has set up a coordinating body to ensure that member states are upholding their obligations to protect minority rights. The period of the occupation throws a veil over the case. The liberation and the revelation of the Holocaust brought a deep reflection on all of the Dreyfus affair. Jacques Kayser (1946) then Maurice Paléologue (1955) and Henri Giscard d'Estaing (1960) revived the case without great revelations, a process generally considered insufficient historically. [ by whom?] First brochure of A Miscarriage of Justice, Bernard Lazare published in 1896 in Brussels In patients with large vessel strokes with favourable ischaemic core to penumbra ratios, endovascular therapy at 6-16 hours post stroke onset in addition to medical therapy, improved functional neurological outcome at 90 days, compared with medical therapy alone This design is specifically aimed at pre-targeting sub-population differences rather than applying a treatment to a group as a whole and then analysing the sub-populationHatred of Jews was now public and violent, driven by a firebrand (Drumont) who demonized the Jewish presence in France. Jews in metropolitan France in 1895 numbered about 80,000 (40,000 in Paris alone), who were highly integrated into society; an additional 45,000 Jews lived in Algeria. The launch of La Libre Parole with a circulation estimated at 200,000 copies in 1892, [19] allowed Drumont to expand his audience to a popular readership already enticed by the boulangiste adventure in the past. The antisemitism circulated by La Libre Parole, as well as by L'Éclair, Le Petit Journal, La Patrie, L'Intransigeant and La Croix, drew on antisemitic roots in certain Catholic circles. [20] On 9 September 1899, the court rendered its verdict: Dreyfus was convicted of treason, but "with extenuating circumstances" (by five votes to two) and sentenced to ten years' imprisonment and a further degradation. Contrary to appearances, this verdict was on the verge of acquittal by one vote. The Code of Military Justice adopted the principle that a minority vote of three against four was an acquittal. [203] Socially, antisemitism was prominent. Existing prior to the Dreyfus affair, it had expressed itself during the Boulangisme affair and the Panama scandals but was limited to an intellectual elite. The Dreyfus affair spread hatred of Jews through all strata of society, a movement that certainly began with the success of Jewish France by Édouard Drumont in 1886. [236] It was then greatly amplified by various legal episodes and press campaigns for nearly fifteen years. Antisemitism was from then on official and was espoused in numerous settings including the working classes. [237] Candidates for the legislative elections took advantage of antisemitism as a watchword in parliamentary elections. This antisemitism was reinforced by the crisis of the separation of church and state in 1905, which probably led to its height in France. Antisemitic actions were permitted on the advent of the Vichy regime, which allowed free and unrestrained expression of racial hatred. On 15 January 1898, Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial. [141] It included the names of Émile Zola, Anatole France, director of the Pasteur Institute Émile Duclaux, Daniel Halévy, Fernand Gregh, Félix Fénéon, Marcel Proust, Lucien Herr, Charles Andler, Victor Bérard, François Simiand, Georges Sorel, the painter Claude Monet, the writer Jules Renard, the sociologist Émile Durkheim, and the historian Gabriel Monod. Expanding on a 2008 article they published in la Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, in 2012 the historians Pierre Gervais, Pauline Peretz and Pierre Stutin published Le dossier secret de l'affaire Dreyfus ( The Secret Record of the Dreyfus Affair). Their research enabled the original contents of the secret file to be established. Their thesis was that historians had neglected the correspondence of Schwartzkoppen and Panizzardi, and that homosexuality played a central role in the slandering of Dreyfus. [12] [13] [ clarification needed]
Military witnesses at the trial alerted high command about the risk of acquittal. For this eventuality the Statistics Section had prepared a file containing, in principle, four "absolute" proofs of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus accompanied by an explanatory note. The contents of this secret file remained uncertain until 2013, when they were released by the French Ministry of Defence. [80] [81] Recent research indicates the existence of numbering which suggests the presence of a dozen documents. Among these letters were some of an erotic homosexual nature (the Davignon letter among others) raising the question of the tainted methods of the Statistics Section and the objective of their choice of documents. [82] Labori: I beg your pardon, Mr. President, to intervene, but I would be interested to hear Messrs Couard, Belhomme and Varinard. Many artifacts and documents related to the affair are on display in the Musée d'Art et d'Histoire du Judaïsme in Paris. JB: You are obviously famous for The Thin Blue Line which was adored, as was Gimme Gimme Gimme. What have you enjoyed acting in the most? As a reserve officer, Dreyfus participated in the First World War of 1914–1918, serving as head of the artillery depot at a fortified camp near Paris and commander of a supply column. In 1917 he saw frontline service at the Chemin des Dames and Verdun. Apart from Major Du Paty de Clam, Dreyfus was the only officer directly involved in the Affair to serve in the war. [224] Having been named as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour at the time of his reinstatement in 1906, Dreyfus was promoted to the rank of officer of the Legion of Honour in 1919. His son, Pierre Dreyfus, also served in World War I as an artillery officer and was awarded the Croix de Guerre. Alfred Dreyfus's two nephews also fought as artillery officers in the French Army and both were killed. The same artillery piece (the Obusier de 120 mm C modèle 1890), the secrets of which Dreyfus was accused of revealing to the Germans, was among those used in blunting the early German offensives. He ended his military career as a colonel. [225]
Synonyms
The Affair engendered numerous antisemitic demonstrations, which in turn affected sentiment within the Jewish communities of Central and Western Europe. At the same time, Jews in the Russian Empire were under pressure of pogroms in response to political instability within the Pale. These factors persuaded Theodor Herzl, one of the founding fathers of Zionism, that the Jews must leave Europe and establish their own state.
The Dreyfusard movement, led by Bernard Lazare, Mathieu Dreyfus, Joseph Reinach and Auguste Scheurer-Kestner gained momentum. [123] Émile Zola, informed in mid-November 1897 by Scheurer-Kestner with documents, was convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus and undertook to engage himself officially. [Note 20] On 25 November 1897 the novelist published Mr. Scheurer-Kestner in Le Figaro, which was the first article in a series of three. [Note 21] Faced with threats of massive cancellations from its readers, the paper's editor stopped supporting Zola. [124] Gradually, from late-November through early-December 1897, a number of prominent people got involved in the fight for retrial. These included the authors Octave Mirbeau (his first article was published three days after Zola) [125] and Anatole France, academic Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, the librarian of the École normale supérieure Lucien Herr (who convinced Léon Blum and Jean Jaurès), the authors of La Revue Blanche, [Note 22] (where Lazare knew the director Thadee Natanson), and the Clemenceau brothers Albert and Georges. Blum tried in late November 1897 to sign, with his friend Maurice Barrès, a petition calling for a retrial, but Barrès refused, broke with Zola and Blum in early-December, and began to popularize the term "intellectuals". [126] This first break was the prelude to a division among the educated elite after 13 January 1898.
Four additional recent trials (EXTEND1A, ESCAPE, SWIFT-PRIME and REVASCAT) showed similar efficacy when ET was used between 4.5 and 12 hours • All of these trials enrolled only large proximal vessel occlusions and only one trial (EXTEND1A) used CT perfusion imaging The acquittal of Esterhazy, the convictions of Émile Zola and of Georges Picquart, and the continued presence of an innocent man in prison had a considerable national and international effect. [157] France was exposed as an arbitrary state, which contradicted its founding republican principles. Antisemitism made considerable progress and riots were common throughout the year 1898. However politicians were still in denial about the affair. In April and May 1898, they were mostly concerned with elections, in which Jaurès lost his seat of Carmaux. [158] The majority was moderate, though a parliamentary group in the House was antisemitic. Nevertheless the cause of the Dreyfusards was restarted. The implications of this case were numerous and affected all aspects of French public life. It was regarded as a vindication of the Third Republic (and became a founding myth), [4] but it led to a renewal of nationalism in the military. It slowed the reform of French Catholicism and republican integration of Catholics. Contributors: YS conceived, designed this study and drafted this manuscript. YC and SL searched and selected the eligible studies. ML and JL extracted related information. YC and ML assessed the risk of bias. SL and JL performed the statistical analysis. YS and ML independently evaluated the strength of the evidence. DY critically revised and supervised this study. All authors agreed to be responsible for this study and approved of the final version to be considered for publication.
At this moment Major Henry chose to take action. On 1 November 1896, he created a false document, subsequently called the "faux Henry" [Henry forgery], [Note 18] keeping the header and signature [Note 19] of an ordinary letter from Panizzardi, and wrote the central text himself:
Given these developments, General Louis André, the new Minister of War, led an investigation at the instigation of Émile Combes and assisted by judges. The investigation was conducted by Captain Antoine Louis Targe, aide to the minister. During searches of the Statistics Section he discovered numerous documents, most of which were obviously fabricated. [217] In November 1903 a report was submitted to the Minister of Justice by the Minister of War. This was in compliance with the regulations since the Minister found an error committed by the Military Court. This was the beginning of a new review led by lawyer Ludovic Trarieux, the founder of the League of Human Rights, with a thorough investigation to run over two years. The years 1904 and 1905 were devoted to different legal phases before the Court of Cassation. The court identified three events (grounds) for review, the demonstration of the falsification of the Panizzardi telegram, demonstration of a date change on a document in the 1894 trial (April 1895 changed to April 1894) and demonstration of the fact that Dreyfus had not removed the minutes related to heavy artillery in the army. On the morning of 15 October 1894, Captain Dreyfus underwent this ordeal but admitted nothing. Du Paty even tried to suggest suicide by placing a revolver in front of Dreyfus, but he refused to take his life, saying he "wanted to live to establish his innocence". The hopes of the military were crushed. Nevertheless Du Paty de Clam still arrested the captain, [51] accused him of conspiring with the enemy, and told him that he would be brought before a court-martial. Dreyfus was imprisoned at the Cherche-Midi prison in Paris. [52] The enquiry and the first military court [ edit ] Cover of Le Petit Journal, 20 January 1895 (illustration by Fortuné Méaulle after Lionel Royer). In 1894, the Third Republic was twenty-four years old. Although the 16 May Crisis in 1877 had crippled the political influence of both the Bourbon and Orléanist royalists, its ministries continued to be short-lived as the country lurched from crisis to crisis: three years immediately preceding the Dreyfus Affair were the near-coup of Georges Boulanger in 1889, the Panama scandals in 1892, and the anarchist threat (reduced by the " villainous laws" of July 1894). The elections of 1893 were focused on the "social question" and resulted in a Republican victory (just under half the seats) against the conservative right, and the reinforcement of the Radicals (about 150 seats) and Socialists (about 50 seats). In Germany and Italy, the two countries widely challenged by lawsuits against Dreyfus, there was relief. Even if the Emperor of Germany regretted that the innocence of Dreyfus was not recognized, the normalization of future Franco-German relations was seen as a welcome relaxation. Diplomacy between the three powers with the help of England sought to relax in an atmosphere that deteriorated again on the eve of the First World War. On 22 December 1894, after several hours of deliberation, the verdict was reached. Seven judges unanimously convicted Alfred Dreyfus of collusion with a foreign power, to the maximum penalty under section 76 of the Criminal Code: permanent exile in a walled fortification ( prison), the cancellation of his army rank and military degradation. Dreyfus was not sentenced to death, as it had been abolished for political crimes since 1848.
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